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๐Ž๐๐ˆ๐๐ˆ๐Ž๐ – ๐‘๐ž๐ฏ๐ข๐ฏ๐ข๐ง๐  ๐ญ๐ก๐ž ๐…๐จ๐ฎ๐ซ๐ญ๐ก ๐„๐ฌ๐ญ๐š๐ญ๐ž- ๐–๐ก๐ฒ ๐๐ก๐ฎ๐ญ๐š๐ง ๐Œ๐ฎ๐ฌ๐ญ ๐’๐ญ๐ซ๐ž๐ง๐ ๐ญ๐ก๐ž๐ง ๐ˆ๐ญ๐ฌ ๐๐ซ๐ข๐ฏ๐š๐ญ๐ž ๐Œ๐ž๐๐ข๐š ๐Ÿ๐จ๐ซ ๐š ๐“๐ก๐ซ๐ข๐ฏ๐ข๐ง๐  ๐ƒ๐ž๐ฆ๐จ๐œ๐ซ๐š๐œ๐ฒ

The 2025 World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders (RSF) has sparked renewed interest in the state of media freedom in Bhutan. While the countryโ€™s ranking plummeted to 152nd, the reasoning offered in the report- particularly its assertion that 80 percent of private newspapers’ advertising revenue comes from government agencies and is allocated based on proximity to power- was inaccurate. Fortunately, RSF has since corrected this misstatement, acknowledging the confusion arose from a translation error. This clarification is welcome, but the episode sheds light on an issue that transcends numerical rankings: the fragile ecosystem within which Bhutanโ€™s private media must operate and the urgent need for public policy reform to ensure their survival and growth.

Bhutan’s press freedom score has declined sharply in recent years, and while one may not question the ranking itself, the justification offered, especially in its initial form exposes a lack of understanding of the nuanced economic challenges faced by the country’s independent media. In truth, private media outlets in Bhutan receive a mere fraction of their advertisement revenue from the nine government ministries. Some receive as little as half a pageโ€™s worth of advertisements annually. This figure is far from the initially cited 80 percent, which RSF has clarified refers to the total state-distributed advertising market, not specifically to what private outlets receive.

What this miscommunication highlights is a deeper systemic issue: the lack of robust government policy to ensure equitable media viability. In a small market such as Bhutanโ€™s, advertising is scarce to begin with. Yet, when what little public advertising exists disproportionately supports state-owned media, private outlets are left to struggle for survival. This economic imbalance not only weakens the press but undermines the very foundation of democratic accountability. If Bhutan genuinely aims to sustain a vibrant democracy, it must shift from a passive bystander to an active enabler of private media resilience.

The role of private media in Bhutan cannot be understated. They serve as essential watchdogs, providing diverse viewpoints and reporting stories that may be overlooked or underreported by state media. Their editorial independence makes them better equipped to question authority, investigate corruption, and give voice to the marginalized. But without a reliable source of revenue and institutional support, even the most principled media houses cannot survive. A struggling press leads to a weakened public discourse, allowing unchecked power to flourish.
To reverse this trend, the government must initiate policy reforms aimed at supporting the sustainability of private media. First, public advertising must be distributed fairly and transparently. While state media has a legitimate role, it should not enjoy a monopoly on government-sponsored communication. Equitable distribution will not only provide much-needed revenue to private newspapers but also ensure that public information reaches a wider and more diverse audience.

Second, Bhutan must introduce policy mechanisms that foster a pluralistic and independent press ecosystem. This includes creating a regulatory framework that incentivizes both public and private investments in media, reducing taxation burdens for struggling outlets, and providing grants or subsidies for those producing high-quality public-interest journalism. These forms of state support are not about exerting influence but about recognizing journalism as a public good- essential to informed citizenship and democratic participation.

Third, greater transparency and access to public information must be institutionalized. Journalists, whether from private or public outlets, need timely and fair access to government data and officials. When access is uneven or obstructed, it not only hampers investigative reporting but perpetuates an environment where rumors and misinformation thrive. Bhutan has made commendable progress in democratization, but the flow of information remains tightly controlled. A truly democratic state must embrace scrutiny, not shy away from it.

Lastly, the government should promote media literacy and public engagement with the news. Low readership levels are partly a reflection of an evolving media consumption culture, but they are also symptomatic of insufficient investment in civic education. Bhutanese must understand the critical role journalism plays in shaping national development and holding power to account. This understanding will help cultivate a more informed and engaged public, which in turn strengthens media demand and relevance.

The World Press Freedom Index is a useful tool for international benchmarking, but its greatest value lies in prompting introspection and reform. The corrected RSF report now more accurately reflects the financial and structural hardships faced by private media in the country. However, the underlying message remains the same: the media landscape in Bhutan is dangerously imbalanced, and unless deliberate policy interventions are made, the nation risks losing its independent voices.

In this time of reflection, the government has an opportunity and responsibility to recalibrate its relationship with the media. Support for press freedom must not be symbolic; it must be embedded in policy, practice, and funding. Only then can Bhutan nurture a truly independent, pluralistic, and resilient media sector- one capable of fostering accountability, amplifying diverse voices, and upholding the democratic values it so proudly espouses.

A Voice from the Newsroom

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